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Max Polansky. Published on May 13, On the comprehension side, the listener extracts the meaning of these words level 6 , combines it with contextual information level 7 , and enriches the resulting interpretation by all sorts of inferences, based on his world knowledge level 8.

The number and nature of these levels as well as the ways in which they are related to each other are a matter of much dispute. A great deal of what is termed here as local constraints has been investigated under labels such as coherence, cohesion, thematic progession, and many others.

What has been much less studied is how, in a well formed text, both types of constraints interact or, more specifically, how the local constraints follow from the global ones.

This will now be explained. Main Structure and Side Structures of a text Narratives of personal events belong to the best-studied text types; therefore, we will take them as a starting point for our considerations.

They give an account of some event that happened somewhere sometime to the speaker or to a third person.

In answering this question, the speaker has a certain freedom in selecting the sub-events he wants to report, and in the way in which he arranges them.

But in any event, the text must render a certain event structure, i. This is the central characteristic of a narrative.

The speaker may choose to add supplementary material. Thus, a narrative most often contains information about the time and place of the entire constellation orientation as well as comments, explanations, evaluations etc..

These general characteristics of any narrative may be reflected in global constraints on its structure, for example: A1 : Whatever the selection of sub-events may be, they must be presented in the order in which they happened principle of chronological order.

A2 : At the beginning, the event constellation must be situated in space and time. A3 : Usually, evaluations etc.

At least for argumentative texts, it is to be found in ancient rhetoric see the quotes in v.

Stutterheim , chapter 2. But it also applies to many other texts, e. Three points should be noted, however.

First, the QUAESTIO of a text need not be identical with the real question which may have elicited the text in the given case: but very often, there is no explicit question at all.

This corresponds to the fact that they have no, or only a very weak, global structure: their organization is merely local.

There have been several attempts to capture the observations which give rise to this distinction, the best-known being the contrast between utterances which provide foreground information and those providing background information in a narrative.

In the next section, we will discuss these concepts. Hopper , p. But they also bear on the way in which the information is displayed in the individual utterance.

For example, foreground clauses are regularly marked by perfective aspect, background clauses by imperfective aspect, where there is such a distinction in the language; subordinate clauses regularly contribute to the background; some languages use different word order for foreground and background clauses; others may indicate the difference by specific particles, etc..

The distinction between utterances that push forward the action and those that don't allows to interrelate global and local constraints within a narrative text.

All other utterances are only locally connected to their environment, i. This, admittedly, simplifies the picture, 4 The principle of chronological order, for example, was explicitly stated in ancient rhetoric, albeit negatively: the hysteron proteron, i.

This way of relating global and local features of text structure to each other is clearly a step forward, when compared to, for example, story grammars, in which the local organization is largely neglected, or to Markovian approaches, in which only anaphoric relations, topic continuity and similar features are considered.

Thus, literary texts, as a stylistic device, sometimes reverse the relative weight of communicative importance, which we tend to assign to both components: there is a plot line with a series of sub-events, but what is really interesting happens in the background.

An utterance belongs to the foreground, if and only if it belongs to the narrative skeleton. All other utterances belong to the background.

Hence, background utterances form a quite heterogenous class. There is a more serious problem, however: This definition of the foreground cannot be extended to other types of texts, either because they have no temporal structure at all such as opinions, arguments, picture descriptions, etc.

Let us illustrate this by three examples. Well, first I will finish high school. Actually, thats not so sure, 6 because what I would really like to do is to become a musician; but my father won't allow me to.

So, I will go to the university and study something, probably French. And then, I will become a teacher, although the chances are bad right now.

And then of course, I will marry and have children. I am very traditional here, and love babies.

There is something else I definitely will do: travelling through East Asia, for at least a year. Maybe I can do this between High School and University.

I was there myself last week. Yeah, you go down here about three hundred meters, then turn left behind the church. Then, after another three hundred meters, you will come to a square, a very beautiful square.

You cross it, carry on and then turn right. You really can't miss it. Then it is the second street to the left, and there you can see it.

It is yellow, or yellowish. Both selection and arrangement of the landmarks follow certain principles, which we will not discuss here cf.

Klein In any event, the backbone is completed by additional information underlined in the text above. Had the driving of L. On the other hand, Mrs.

The propositions themselves are of somewhat different nature. Some concern the matters of the case at issue and hence normally to some real happening in the past, which in turn may consist of a complex of subevents.

Others concern attitudes and evaluations of the people involved; these attitudes may also be relevant for the verdict was the behavior intentional or just careless?

Which motives are involved? Nevertheless, most utterances in an opinion can be easily assigned either for foreground or to background see Katzenberger for an analysis of expository texts.

Let us briefly sum up at this point. But this presupposition is not sufficient. Someone's childhood, for example, also consists of temporally ordered events and the corresponding feelings and experiences.

But a question such as What do you remember from your early childhood? Thus, Charles opened the door. At the same time, the phone started ringing are clearly narrative clauses which belong to the narrative sequence; but the corresponding events do not follow each other, and hence, the utterance violates the Labovian criterion.

It is far from being trivial to adapt the definition accordingly, because a more liberal definition which would also admit simultaneous events immediately runs into trouble with typical background-foreground sequences such as We were sitting in the office.

The telephone started ringing. In other words: Two utterances which express totally or partly simultaneous events, may both belong to the foreground, or one may belong to the background, the other to the foreground.

They may also both belong to the background, obviously. These possibilities are regularly distinguished by different forms, such as different aspect marking, but this indicates the difference and can't be the base of the definition.

Similarly, a route direction and a sightseeing description of the same spatial area have different text structure, although they draw on the same stored spatial information: they foreground and background different components of the same GV.

But even if there is an explicit question, then it may be relatively unspecific, and the QUAESTIO at issue results both from what is explicitly asked, on the one hand, and additional contextual constraints, on the other.

The function of a question in relation to a text is in principle not different from the function of a normal question in relation of an appropriate answer on utterance level.

A sentence such as 1 Peter went to Berlin yesterday. After each of these questions, 1 decides on an alternative at issue the term alternative taken in a broad sense: it may comprise more than two candidates.

What is different, is the alternative which has to be, and actually is, decided on. The terms TOPIC and FOCUS, as used here, refer to components of the entire information expressed by some utterance, rather than to the words or constituents which express this information.

Obviously, the TOPIC expression in the answer is redundant here, and in fact, it could have been omitted. In 2 e , the alternative at issue is between several possible happenings at some relevant occasion6 and all we know about these happenings is that they are in the past due to the tense morpheme of happened.

This component of the TOPIC, namely being in the past, is expressed again in the answer, but there is no independent TOPIC expression in the answer, unless one counts the inflection of went as such.

We shall return to this problem in section 3. In all of these examples, the TOPIC of the utterance is explicitly raised by a general context, or its expression may be totally left to the utterance itself.

If there is a contextually given TOPIC, then these means must be used in accordance with this contextual requirement, of course; otherwise, the utterance is contextually inappropriate.

Each single referent is taken from the underlying GV, and the QUAESTIO imposes restrictions on the possible referents and their arrangements: it narrows down the set of candidates which are admissable for specification within an utterance, and it restricts the way in which this specification of referents may proceed from one utterance to the next.

For narrative texts, these conditions may be roughly stated as follows. The time interval of the first event is explicitly introduced unless contextually given ; all subsequent ones follow chronologically, i.

Thus, a question such as What happened? If your friend comes to your room, pale, trembling and covered with sweat, the question What happened?

Thus, the primary restriction on the events is the definite time interval, although other restrictions are, of course, not excluded.

Both FC and TC may be violated by an utterance. Let us consider some examples of such side structures.

An utterance or a clause may serve to specify a time interval in explicit terms, rather than have it simply given by TC. Most often, subordinate temporal clauses serve exactly this function, and this is the reason why they contribute to the background: They answer the question When did hevent a happen?

Other utterances don't violate TC, but they do not specify an event, as required by FC. There may be some argument here as to what counts as a singular event; for example, an utterance such as The sky was all red is normally interpreted as describing a state; but it may be used to refer to an event, as in Suddenly, the sky was all red.

But neither ambiguities of this kind nor semantic problems of how to define events in contrast to states, processes, etc.

Still other utterances may violate both conditions, for example generic statements inserted at some point in the narrative, such as Well, that's how life is or There is always someone who wants to object.

Q1, Q2, The full sentence Nous etions a letude quand le proviseur entra This is a special case, however, in that this whole sentence introduces the story.

Note that our formulation of TC is such that Nous etions a l'etude would not violate TC, since it refers to the first time interval.

What happened to you at ti? But in Peter rang. Then, he rang again, two subsequent events are described by the same information.

So far, we have dealt with the first two inadequacies of the foreground-background distinction, suggested a more general approach, which seems to overcome these insufficiencies, and illustrated it for narratives.

But they have consequences for the expression, too: They indirectly restrict the choice of linguistic devices.

The nature of these latter restrictions depends on the specific language and the linguistic means which it offers for expression.

We shall illustrate this again for narrative texts. In section 5 below, it will then be discussed how learners approach the particular system.

Consider another somewhat less straightforward example. Suppose a language has no syntactically determined constituent order but the constituent or constituents which corresponds to the TOPIC comes first, the one or ones which correspond to the FOCUS comes 8 There are cases, though, in which a negated verb can be interpreted to denote an event, in the sense of FC.

If Latin were such a language, then the answer to the question Quis cantat? Conditions such as FC and TC cannot outweigh obligatory syntactic rules, but they can use the options left by these rules.

Whatever survives this process of selection, the speaker must in any event transfer a complex set of information into a linear sequence of utterances linearization.

How straightforward this linearization is, depends on the nature of the information. In the case of narrative texts, the relevant units are sub-events of a total event, and those sub-events are ordered along the time axis.

Linearization is much more problematic when the underlying GV, as in the case of route directions, apartment descriptions, etc.

A convenient way to solve this problem is the introduction of an ancillary temporal structure. In route directions, this ancillary structure is an imaginary wandering Klein , that is, a sequence of possible actions of a participant for example, of the person who asks for route directions ; these actions can be chronologically ordered and thus constitute a projection principle which allows the speaker to solve the linearization problem.

This technique presupposes that such a temporalization makes sense. The use of an ancillary temporal structure is virtually impossible in the case of essentially logical texts, such as an argumentation or an opinion as it was discussed in 2.

There is no uniform principle of how linearization is achieved in these cases, although in practice, there are a number of guide-lines see for argumentation Klein , for linearization in general, Levelt How this is done in different types of texts, is a matter of empirical research.

Referential movement The point of a text is the fact that the entire amount of information to be expressed is distributed over a series of utterances, rather than being patched into a single one.

This distribution is not done at random, but is governed by several principles which impose a certain structure on the text.

Let B be the utterance in question, A the preceding one; as a special case, A should also include the empty utterance, such that B is the first utterance of the text.

Then, the TOPIC condition TC states that, in the case of narratives, a B must include a reference to a time interval tj in the real time axis; b this time interval tj must be after the time interval ti referred to in A although not necessarily adjacent to that time interval ; c this time reference may be implicit; but if it is implicit, it must not be marked as contributing to the FOCUS of B.

A more interesting case are prayers or magic formula whose underlying organisational principles are largely unknown. We simply do not know why, in a love magic, the utterances must be ordered in a certain way to achieve the intended effect.

Moreover, the general idea of information distribution over the utterances normally requires B to contain some new information with respect to A: B must achieve some progress, compared to the state reached after A.

Firstly, they prescribe or exclude specific contents in some domains of reference, for example temporal reference in this case; other domains of reference, such as reference to place or to persons involved are not constrained, although this may be different in other text types than narratives.

In what follows, we will first have a look at the various domains which may be afffected by these constraints section 3. Then the utterance 3 She drove against the signpost.

The speaker has selected particular bits of information among the many he could refer to in his utterance. The listener will know some but surely not all of bits of information which are not made explicit.

For example, he may know from previous utterances what the place of the whole event is and that she refers to an elderly lady; similarly, he may infer from the whole context that she was driving a limousine, rather than a bulldozer.

First, there is contextual information which is directly linked to contextdependent verbal elements in the utterance, such as deixis, anaphora, ellipsis.

The interpretation of an utterance such as Me, too is based on knowledge of the meaning of deictic words and the rules of ellipsis in English, on the one hand, and on access to the necessary contextual information, on the other roughly, the listener must be able to identify who is speaking, and must have heard the previous utterance.

In these cases, we will talk of structure-based or regular context-dependency. The integration of linguistic information proper and of what can be derived by structure-based context-dependency provides the listener with a first interpretation, which we will call proposition.

Therefore, inference is less accessible to linguistic analysis than structure-based contextdependency; but it is no less important for text organisation and more specifically, for referential movement.

Consider a sequence of two utterances such as 4 Yesterday, I went to Heidelberg. My parents-in-law celebrated their silver wedding.

The second utterance contains no spatial reference at all. Still, we tend to infer that this wedding party is in Heidelberg: the spatial reference, taken from the FOCUS of the previous utterance, is maintained.

This inference is not certain the second utterance could continue In what follows, however, we shall not be particularly concerned with those processes which lead from the proposition to the utterance interpretation since they are more on a cognitive than on a linguistic level.

Whenever necessary, we will briefly say by inference. So, we will be mainly concerned with the transition from proposition to proposition.

Consider, for example, the proposition which is expressed when 5 is uttered in some context: 5 Yesterday, the Hammelwades left for Heidelberg.

We have avoided this terminology, especially the term sentence meaning, since we also want to include the meaning of utterances such as Me, too or She him or Why four?

Not all utterances express specific events. They may also render specific states as Yesterday, the Hammelwades were in Heidelberg , property assignments The Hammelwades are sweet , generic or habitual events During the winter, the Hammelwades live in Heidelberg , and maybe others.

To account for this, we need two refinements. First, we will replace the referential domain activity by the more general predicate which will also include property assignments, states, processes etc.

Second, we shall assume that an utterance also contains a reference to a modality; roughly speaking, it is somehow related to a real, a fictitious, a hypothetical world.

Admittedly, this is simply a way to circumvent a whole range of complicated problems, but it will do for our present purposes.

This leaves us with five, rather than four, referential domains: 1. Rt: temporal intervals or times 2. Re: places 3. Rp: participants 4.

Ra: predicates of various types 5. Rm: modality real, fictitious etc. An utterance integrates information from these domains into a proposition.

Note, however, that not all domains must be represented in each utterance. On the other hand, information from one domain may show up several times in either the same or different functions; cf.

Moreover, reference to time, to place, to circumstances may be conflated in one concept, as in On many occasions, there was dancing, to mention but a few of the complications.

In what follows, we shall first sketch a sort of basic structure and then come back to some complications.

Traditionally, it is often assumed that reference to a participant P from Rp often encoded by the grammatical subject and reference to a predicate A from Ra often encoded by the grammatical predicate constitute something like the inner core of a proposition, which is then further characterized by a time T and a space L; the resulting structure, the outer core, is then related M to some real or fictitious world.

We will adopt here this conventional picture, arguable as it may be. A mathematical theorem, for example, does not have a time or a place to be referred to; so, its basic structure is reduced by at least two of the components in I.

This is not to be confused with a basic structure in which some domain is not explicitly referred to, although the Sachverhalt itself as such would allow such a reference.

Compare again the propositions expressed by the utterances It was raining and There was dancing. Note that I relates to the way in which the underlying proposition is organized, not to the way in which the utterance is constructed.

The way in which time, place, participant etc. It may also be that the expression which has this function is very complex and uses features from some other referential domain.

For example, reference to the participant may use spatial or temporal information, as in The man at the corner or Poets from the 19th century.

We will return to this point in a moment. A most elementary realisation of a basic structure like I would look like 6 There and then, she did such and such.

In this case, the linguistic meaning contributes hardly anything to expression of the proposition. This does not mean that the proposition itself is poor in content; rather, most of what the listener can know about it stems from structure-based context-dependency.

Normally, the linguistic contribution is richer, of course, and we shall return to this issue in section 3. This specification may be introduced in this utterance for the first time, or it may be maintained from a preceding utterance.

It is a simplification, however, to talk just about introduction and maintenance of reference. In what follows, we will give a somewhat refined typology of referential movement.

First, we must distinguish as to whether a certain referential domain, say Rp, was specified in the preceding utterance or not.

In the former case, we will talk of continuation, in the latter, of introduction; note, that continuation does not necessarily involve identity of a referent: it just means that the domain in question, for example Rl, was specified before, no matter how.

The latter case we will call onset, the former entry; in actual texts, this distinction is of minor importance, however.

Consider now the various possibilities of continuation. There is again an important distinction between what we call linkage and switch.

In the former case, the specification is related to the content of the previous specification, although this relation need not be identity; in the latter, there is a change of specification without referring back, or using the previous specification.

There are at least three types of linkage. First, the referent specified may be indeed identical; this is the pure case of maintenance; note, again, that this term refers to maintenance of a referent, not of an expression.

Next, it may be that there is an anaphoric linkage, but still, a new referent is introduced; we shall call this type tie.

Such a tie may be expressed by words such as thereafter or then in sequences such as He closed the door.

Then, he opened it again, where then means something like at a time tj after the time ti referred to before.

Third, there may also be a more vague connection which we will call association; it shows up in cases where, for example, a mountain is introduced and the second utterance refers to the valley or the summit.

Linguistically, this type of linkage is hard to grasp; but its importance for referential movement and for text structure in general is obvious.

A switch, finally, is in a sense comparable to an introduction, except that the position in question was specified before. Therefore, a switch often has a contrastive function.

Thus, in a sequence such as It was strange. Peter cleaned the dishes, the reference to the participant Peter is an introduction more precisely, an entry , whereas in Mary slept.

Peter cleaned the dishes, it is a switch. Let us sum up this typology in a diagram: particular text, or they do show up but are rare or not particularly relevant for the purpose of the investigation.

Therefore, most of the concrete empirical work done in the present framework uses a somewhat simplified version; see, for example, the discussion in v.

Stutterheim chapter 3. In a fairly abstract utterance such as 5 , the various referential domains are neatly separated, that is, there is one expression she for reference to the participant, one expression for reference to the place there , etc.

But in this case, the domain-specific expressions have virtually no descriptive content, and hence, the sentence is somewhat odd.

The lexical meaning of there, for example, makes clear that the referent is a place, and if this reference is understood indeed, then this is only due to the fact that the place in question was referred to before.

Normally, successful reference needs much more descriptive information. This information is provided by words with a richer lexical content or by syntactically compound expressions, or both.

Then, however, the relation between expressions and features expressed becomes much less straightforward than in 5.

This has many consequences for referential movement, three of which will be discussed in the sequel. First, it is one word, in contrast to syntactically compound spatial expressions, such as at the castle, in front of the house or between here and there.

Second, it contains only spatial features, in contrast to for example a 21 verb such as to come, which contains spatial, but also temporal features.

Such a clustering of features also appears in syntactically compound expressions, and this fact often constitutes a problem for referential movement.

An expression such as at the castle is syntactically compound, but homogeneous: it refers to a place. This reference may fill the appropriate position of the basic structure.

In this combination, at the castle, while still being a reference to a place, cannot fill the place coordinate of a basic structure, and hence cannot be maintained as the place reference of some subsequent proposition, for example by the use of anaphoric there: 7 The man at the castle was better informed than our travel guide.

In this example, there is appropriate only if it is clear from some other contextual information that the locus of the whole action is at the castle, but not as direct anaphoric maintenance from the first of the two utterances.

It is not true, however, that anaphoric linkage could not cross the referential positions of the basic structure. Consider an example where a place reference functions as a part of the predicate reference, as in the compound predicate being at the castle: 8 We were at the castle.

Here, anaphoric linkage is clearly possible, or, to put it slightly differently, the place introduced in the first utterance, where it is part of the predicate, is accessible to anaphoric maintenance within the basic structure.

This is quite typical for compound predicates. It is difficult to say what is responsible for these differences in accessibility as exemplified by 7 and 8.

The type of compoundness is one factor, but clearly not the only one. Moreover, accessibility to anaphoric maintenance often correlates with accessibility to other semantic processes, such as the possibility of being marked as TOPIC or modifiability by an adverb, to which we will turn now.

Time and participant are the same, and the grammatical predicate refers to the same action; but in the second case, some of the semantic features implicitly contained in crowned him are singled out and referred to explicitly.

This singling out of two components makes them accessible to anaphoric processes. Thus, 10 but not 9 allows the continuation: 22 11 It looked splendid there.

Thus, it cannot be used to answer the question Where did Leo put the crown? Thirdly, when features are encapsulated in a single lexical item, they offer limited access to further modification.

Thus, the crowned from 9 implies a crown, as is evidenced by the possible continuation The crown was splendid with a definite article.

But this implicit crown cannot be further specified so long as it is only implicit. This is not to mean that no feature within crowned is accessible; adverbials, such as rapidly, may easily address temporal characteristics of the predicate.

There is a third, in a sense complementary, problem with maintaining reference.

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